Smart ALEC's Strange Bedfellows

 A number of articles in the Nation, plus posts by some of our blogging colleagues discussed the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) and its role in policy, including health policy advocacy.  The lead article, "ALEC Exposed," in the Nation, characterized ALEC as:

a critical arm of the right-wing network of policy shops that, with infusions of corporate cash, has evolved to shape American politics. Inspired by Milton Friedman’s call for conservatives to 'develop alternatives to existing policies [and] keep them alive and available,' ALEC’s model legislation reflects long-term goals: downsizing government, removing regulations on corporations and making it harder to hold the economically and politically powerful to account. Corporate donors retain veto power over the language, which is developed by the secretive task forces. The task forces cover issues from education to health policy.

ALEC and Health Care Reform
Wendell Potter contributed an article about ALEC's position on health care reform. First,

ALEC crafted the Freedom of Choice in Health Care Act, which, despite its Orwellian name, was written to deny the citizens of any state that passed it the freedom to set up such a system. By declaring that Congressional attempts to regulate health insurance at the federal level would be unconstitutional, it would effectively ban not only a federal single-payer proposal but also a federally created health insurance exchange and a federally operated public insurance option.

ALEC

adopted a strategy to shape rather than stop reform. Its top five goals became:

§ Keeping single-payer proposals off the table;

§ Ensuring that the final bill contain a clause requiring all Americans not eligible for an existing federal program to buy coverage from a private insurance company; [note that thus the "mandate" that pseudo-conservative groups like the Tea Party hate seems to have been pushed by big commercial insurance firms, and by some of the Tea Party's backers, not by the "big government" the Tea Party also loves to hate]

§ Preventing the new law from establishing a government-run plan (the 'public option') that would compete with private insurers;

§ Making sure that the reform law is implemented primarily at the state level, to keep the federal government from assuming any significant new oversight of private insurers’ business practices; and

§ Keeping any new regulations and consumer protections to a minimum.

Insurers achieved their first four goals, with ALEC playing a key role in a well-coordinated effort to keep the most progressive proposals from being enacted at the state or federal level.

Corporate Funders and Influencers
The articles in the Nation suggest that ALEC's health policy advocacy is shaped only by commercial health care insurance. However, it appears that ALEC is supported by a much broader spectrum of health care corporations and other corporations whose products affect health care. It's "Private Enterprise Board" includes Mrs Sandra Oliver, First Vice Chairman, Bayer Corp; Mr John Del Giorno, Second Vice Chairman, GlaxoSmithKline; Mr David Powers, Treasurer, Reynolds American; and Board Members Mr Don Bohn, Johnson and Johnson, Mr Jeffrey Bond, PhRMA, and Mr Michael Hubert, Pfizer.

A PRWatch special report on its funding noted:

98% of ALEC's funding comes from corporations like Exxon Mobil, corporate 'foundations' like the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation, or trade associations like the pharmaceutical industry's PhRMA and sources other than 'legislative dues.'

In more detail,

Other current ALEC corporate leaders have given an undisclosed sum to ALEC this year and before.

These companies include: CenterPoint 360 (a firm that helps companies 'manage legislation'), Altria (formerly Phillip Morris tobacco), the American Bail Coalition (the trade group for for-profit bail bonds), AT&T, Bayer (aspirin), Coca-Cola, Diageo (Crown Royal and other liquor), Energy Future Holdings (Texas electricity), ExxonMobil, GlaxoSmithKline (Tums and other brands), Intuit (Quickbooks), Johnson & Johnson (lotion), Koch Industries (Georgia Pacific paper products and other brands), Kraft Food (Macaroni and Cheese dinners), Peabody Energy (the largest private coal company in the world), Pfizer (Viagra), PhRMA (the pharmaceutical trade group), Reed Elsevier (Lexis/Nexis legal research), Reynolds American (tobacco), Salt River Project (energy), State Farm Insurance, United Parcel Service, and Wal-Mart (world's largest retailer).

So ALEC supporters include some very strange bed fellows.

Commercial Insurance in Bed with Pharma
ALEC has championed health care positions that seem designed to favor commercial health insurance.  However, it is supported by many corporations with which commercial health insurance ostensibly negotiates at arms length, and whose prices commercial health insurance ostensibly wants to lower.  These include pharmaceutical companies, Bayer, GlaxoSmithKline, and Pfizer, and pharmaceutical/ biotechnology/ device conglomerate Johnson and Johnson, all represented by PhRMA. 

It is very curious, to say the least, that such companies are helping to fund a set of policy objectives all designed to further the interests of commercial insurance companies as listed above.  Perhaps the leaders of drug companies think that commercial insurers are likely to be easier negotiators than would be some future hypothetical "public option," (government run insurance company).  Perhaps the leaders of commercial insurance companies realize that they can more plausibly raise their administrative costs, and the amounts they pay to top executives, when overall health care costs, fueled by pharmaceutical and device prices, are rising.

A UK Company in Bed with American State Legislators

ALEC is supposed to be directed at American state legislatures, and be a membership organization for American state legislators.  It literally includes a graphic of a waving American flag on its home page.  However, it is supported by at least one foreign (UK) pharmaceutical company, GlaxoSmithKline. 

It is very curious that a British company seems to be seeking to influence the US state legislative process. The appropriateness, and the legality of a British company seeking to influence American state legislatures I leave to be judged by others. 

Pharmaceutical Companies (Including Those that Make Smoking Cessation Products) in Bed with Tobacco Companies

ALEC is supported by pharmaceutical companies that all promise to improve health care.  These particularly include those that make or sell products that are designed to improve health by aiding smoking cessation, (GlaxoSmithKline, Johnson and Johnson, and Pfizer).  However,by their side stand two tobacco companies, Reynolds America and Altria, whose products the pharmaceutical companies' products are designed to counter. 

It is very, very curious that smoking cessation product manufacturers would team up with tobacco companies.  Perhaps cynics among the leadership of the drug companies realize that the market for smoking cessation products increases with tobacco sales.  Perhaps cynics among the leadership of tobacco companies think that the knowledge that there are treatments, albeit not very effective ones, to aid in smoking cessation may encourage people to start or continue smoking (an interesting but rarely discussed example of the "moral hazard" that free market economists love to otherwise discuss).  

Summary

So in my humble opinion, the strange bedfellows among health care related corporations funding ALEC suggest 1) how little the health care system functions like anything resembling an ideal free market; and 2) how top organizational leaders may have feel they have more in common with each other than they do with their more lowly employees, customers, clients, and the public at large.

True health care reform would require decreasing the size and power of large health care organizations, and ensuring that their leaders put their mission, and their patients' and the public's health ahead of their personal enrichment.

Hat tip to Naomi Freundlich's post on the Health Beat blog.

Say It Ain't So - Howard Dean Runs Through Revolving Door to Become Biotechnology Booster

The revolving door now accommodates the whole political spectrum.  A Salon article documented the transit of one Howard Dean, former darling of the left-wing of the Democratic party:

Howard Dean has long cultivated an image as the plainspoken doctor who speaks for the left wing of the Democratic Party, a role he still plays as a pugnacious pundit on TV. But since his term as chairman of the Democratic National Committee ended in January 2009, Dr. Dean has taken on a less-noticed role: paid advocate for interest groups that would find few fans among the progressive voters once energized by Dean's 2004 presidential bid.

Dean may not be the worst of the 'buckrakers,' those prototypical capital characters who exploit their name and connections without regard for principle. But his recent political forays seem to have diverged from his trailblazing left-liberal past.

As senior strategic advisor at McKenna Long & Aldridge, a heavyweight Washington lobbying firm, Dean played a prominent role representing the biotech industry during the healthcare bill debate, staking out a position on biopharmaceutical drugs that was decried by consumer groups.

'Gov. Dean was very helpful to us,' biotech CEO Jim Greenwood told a trade publication 'As a physician clearly focused on healthcare, a Democrat leader and clearly to left of center, his efforts were impactful.' Greenwood is the head of the Biotechnology Industry Organization (BIO), a trade group that lobbies for the industry in Washington.

In particular,

Dean arrived in the comfortable K Street offices of McKenna Long & Aldridge shortly after his term as DNC chair ended in January 2009. He had been passed over by President Obama for the secretary of health and human services Cabinet post, and he needed a paying job.

In announcing his appointment, the firm said Dean would 'provide guidance to clients, particularly in the areas of healthcare and alternative energy resources.'

Dean has been careful not to register as a lobbyist, a designation that would prompt legal disclosure requirements. Both McKenna and the governor's spokeswoman declined to reveal which clients he has worked for.

Dean took on a very public role during the 2009 healthcare reform battle, specifically going to bat for the biotech industry -- whose trade association is a client of McKenna.

At stake was how the government would regulate a growing class of drugs called biologics or biopharmaceuticals and their generic competitors. The industry argued for a longer period -- at least 12 years -- in which expensive brand-name biologics would face no competition from less costly generics. Consumer groups argued that, to keep costs down, the period of exclusivity should be just five years.

Dean jumped into the fight on the side of the industry, writing an Op-Ed in the Hill in 2009 arguing that a 'commonsense and fair approach' would be to bar generics for 'at least 12 years.'

'If we discourage investment, we jeopardize the development of the next generation of breakthrough medicines and cures,' he wrote, echoing a key industry talking point.

Dr Dean also apparently did some paid health policy advocacy on behalf of other clients:

In January, he waded into another high-stakes healthcare fight, this one being waged in New York state between foreign medical schools and their American competitors. The issue was whether foreign-trained doctors would have access to hospitals in New York for their residencies. Dean wrote an Op-Ed in the Albany Times-Union, 'N.Y. needs its foreign-trained doctors,' that repeated talking points of foreign medical schools, which, Dean's bio blurb noted, are clients of McKenna Long & Aldridge.

While the firm won't say whom Dean has worked for, his bio page on McKenna's website offers some clues.

Dean also took on a few other jobs for corporate health care. For example,

He currently serves on the board of advisors at Vatera Health Partners, a New York-based venture capital fund whose mission is 'to support and grow emerging biopharmaceutical companies.'

It's not clear from the public record how long he has served in the position. But his presence on the Vatera board indicates that he has a personal financial stake in the biopharmaceutical industry.

Also, he is now

serving on the board of Extendicare, a Canadian long-term care company.

Dr Dean's new job did not sit well with a former colleagues on the left side of the US political spectrum who had a distinctly different position on the issue of biologic exclusivity:

'It was devastating to have him involved because of his reputation,' says James Love, director of Knowledge Ecology International, a public interest group that fought for a shorter period of exclusivity. 'He's considered to be independent of industry and on the left, so it was really shocking to us when we first saw this. But there it was.'

The Salon article ended on this disillusioned note:

Dean is indeed uniquely positioned: Between his former followers and his current clients, between his idealist liberal past and the cynical culture of K Street, between independence and cooptation.

We have discussed how other government officials and political leaders transited the revolving door to work for corporate health care (e.g., starting here, and more lately here). However, this most recent case seems to present the most vivid contrast between previous reputation and later employment.  Actually, while Dr Dean was clearly an advocate for changing health care, he was not a supporter of some ideas usually labeled left-wing," such as a single payer system (see here).  However, the Washington Times reported that when he was running for President in 2004, the Club for Growth Political Action committee ran an television advertisement calling him the proprietor of a:

tax-hiking, government-expanding, latte-drinking, sushi-eating, Volvo-driving, New York Times-reading … Hollywood-loving, left-wing freak show

The transformation of Dr Howard Dean from a target of the Club for Growth to a paid helper and talking points echoer of the Biotechnology Industry Organization illustrates that nowadays the revolving door accommodates all kinds of politicians. The door remains legal, but its continuing rapid spin raises more and more concern that even the ostensibly most left-wing politicians may act to avoid offending any future lucrative corporate employer. So the coziness between government and the medical-industrial complex is increasingly revealed, and the ability of current government officials and politicians to represent the people rather than corporate CEOs is increasingly in doubt.

True health care reform would have to somehow reduce the resultant corporatism.